Dear Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin

Erresuma Batuko Presidentea, Xi Jinping jauna eta Vladimir Putin jauna,

Ekonomialari eta munduko herritar gisa idazten dizuet, zuen bi nazio handien artean egon daitezkeen desadostasunak direla eta. Errusiak eta Txinak haien arteko lankidetza ekonomikoa eta estrategikoa indartzen jarraitzen duten heinean, ezinbestekoa da erronka hauei aurre egitea, herrialde bientzat eta nazioarteko komunitatearentzat etorkizun egonkor eta oparoa ziurtatzeko.

Asia Zentrala tentsio potentzial handiko eremu bihurtu da, Errusiak zein Txinak haien interesak ziurtatu eta erregioan eragina mantendu nahi dutelako. Funtsezkoa da Asia Zentralean elkarlanean aritzeko eta ahaleginak koordinatzeko moduak aurkitzea, garapen ekonomikoa eta egonkortasuna sustatuz, aldi berean, elkarren segurtasun-kezka legitimoak errespetatuz.

Errusiaren eta Txinaren arteko mesfidantza historikoa, desberdintasun ideologikoetan eta iraganeko gatazketan errotuta dagoena, elkarrizketa irekiaren, konfiantza eraikitzeko neurrien eta elkar ulertzeko eta errespetatzeko garai berri bat sustatzeko konpromisoaren bidez konpondu behar da. Partekatutako interesetan eta erronka komunetan arreta jarriz, iraganaren ondarea gainditu eta etorkizunerako oinarri sendoagoa eraiki dezakezue.

Zuen sistema politikoen eta balioen arteko desberdintasunek erronkak sor ditzakete, baina, aldi berean, elkarri entzuteko eta esperientzietatik ikasteko aukera ere badira. Gardentasuna, erantzukizuna eta subiranotasuna errespetatuz, bat etortzeko modua aurki dezakezue eta mundu-ordena inklusiboago eta orekatuago bat eraikitzen lan egin.

Lehia ekonomikoa edozein harreman bilateralen parte naturala da, baina ez luke Errusiaren eta Txinaren arteko lankidetza estrategikoa kaltzetuko. Merkataritza- eta inbertsio-harreman osagarriak sustatuz, merkaturako sarbide justu eta elkarrekikoa bultzatuz eta elkarri onurak ekartzen dizkioten proiektuetan elkarrekin lan eginez, bi herrialdeei eta eskualde zabalari mesede egiten dion irabazi-irabazi ekonomiari bide eman diezaiokezue.

Errusiak eta Txinak Asia Zentralen duten presentzia militarra komunikazio erregularraren, konfiantza eraikitzeko neurrien eta egonkortasun eta segurtasun erregionalarekiko konpromisoaren bidez kudeatu behar da. Mehatxu komunei, hala nola, terrorismoari eta muturreko jarduerei, aurre egiteko elkarrekin lan eginez eta gatazkak modu baketsuan konpontzea sustatuz, zuen presentzia militarra tentsio-iturri izan beharrean egonkortasun-iturri izan dadin ziurta dezakezue.

Errusiak eta Txinak eskualdeko integraziorako dituzten ikuspegi desberdinak osagarritzat hartu beharko lirateke, lehiakortzat baino gehiago. Europar Batasun Ekonomikoa eta Belt and Road Ekimena harmonizatzeko moduak aurkituz, Europar eskualde integratuago eta oparoago bat sor dezakezue, parte hartzen duten herrialde guztiei mesede eginez.

Errusiaren eta Txinaren arteko lankidetza teknologikoa sakontzen den heinean, funtsezkoa da jabetza intelektualaren babesarekin eta teknologia-transferentziarekin lotutako auziei heltzea. Jabetza intelektuala babesteko, teknologia-transferentzia justu eta bidezkoa sustatzeko eta berrikuntza eta ezagutzarekiko errespetuzko kultura bultzatzeko arau eta protokolo argiak ezarriz, elkarrentzako onuragarria den lankidetza teknologikoa sor dezakezue.

Bi presidenteoi eskatzen dizuet goi-mailako elkarrizketa erregularren, lan-talde bateratuen eta pertsonen arteko trukeen bidez hel diezaiezuen desadostasun-eremu potentzial hauei. Elkar ulertzeko, errespetatzeko eta lankidetzan aritzeko kultura sustatuz, erronkak gainditu eta bi herrialdeei eta mundu zabalari mesede egiten dien lankidetza sendoagoa eta iraunkorragoa eraiki dezakezue.

Nazioarteko komunitateak Errusia eta Txina lider eta bazkide gisa ikusten ditu, etorkizun baketsuago, oparoago eta jasangarriagoa eraikitzeko. Erronka hauei aurre egiteko eta lankidetza sendoagoa eraikitzeko elkarrekin lan eginez, munduan eredugarri izan zaitezkete eta nazioarteko ordena egonkor eta harmoniatsuago baten alde egin.

Adeitasunez,

Ramoan Steinway

Ekonomialaria eta Munduko Herritarra

—————-

Central Asia

Central Asia has emerged as a significant area of potential discord between Russia and China. Historically, Russia has viewed this region as its sphere of influence, maintaining close political, economic, and military ties with the countries in the area since the Soviet era. However, China's growing economic presence, particularly through its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, has led to increased Chinese investment and influence in Central Asia. This shifting dynamic could lead to a rivalry for influence between Russia and China, as both countries seek to secure their interests and maintain their dominant positions in the region. The competition for resources, trade routes, and political sway could strain the relationship between the two powers, as they navigate the complexities of their overlapping interests in Central Asia.

Historical Mistrust

The historical mistrust between Russia and China can be traced back to ideological differences during the Soviet era and past border conflicts. Despite the current trend of closer cooperation, this underlying mistrust could resurface as their interests become more intertwined, particularly in regions like Central Asia where they have competing influences. The legacy of the Sino-Soviet split in the 1960s, which led to a period of heightened tensions and even military clashes along their shared border, may continue to cast a shadow over their relationship. As both countries pursue their geopolitical ambitions, the historical mistrust could fuel increased suspicion and competition, potentially undermining their efforts to foster a closer partnership.

Political Systems

The divergence in political systems and values between Russia and China could also contribute to tensions in their relationship. Russia's emphasis on sovereignty and non-interference in domestic affairs stands in contrast to China's more assertive approach to global governance and its growing economic influence. As China's power and influence continue to expand, it may seek to shape the international order in ways that align with its own political values and interests. This could clash with Russia's vision of a multipolar world order and its desire to maintain its own sphere of influence. The differences in their political systems may also create challenges in terms of trust, transparency, and common understanding, which could hinder the development of a deeper strategic partnership.

Economic Competition

Economic competition between Russia and China is another potential area of discord. As China's economic power continues to grow, it may challenge Russia's position as the dominant economic partner in various regions, including Central Asia. China's Belt and Road Initiative, which seeks to create a vast network of trade routes and infrastructure projects across Eurasia, could eclipse Russia's own economic integration efforts, such as the Eurasian Economic Union. The competition for trade, investment, and infrastructure projects could lead to friction between the two countries, as they seek to secure their economic interests and maintain their influence in key markets. Additionally, the imbalance in the economic relationship, with China being the much larger and more powerful economy, could create concerns for Russia about overreliance and the potential loss of economic sovereignty.

Military Presence

The military presence of both Russia and China in Central Asia could be another source of tension. Russia has a significant military presence in the region, with bases in countries like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. This presence is seen as a means of maintaining Russia's security interests and countering potential threats, including those posed by extremist groups. However, as China's economic interests in the region grow, it may view Russia's military presence as a potential obstacle or even a threat. Conversely, Russia may be concerned about China's increasing military modernization and its growing assertiveness in regional affairs. The potential for military competition or misunderstandings could strain the relationship between the two countries, particularly if their security interests in Central Asia diverge.

Regional Integration

Russia and China have different approaches to regional integration, which could lead to tensions in their relationship. Russia has been promoting the Eurasian Economic Union as a means of fostering economic cooperation and integration among former Soviet states, including those in Central Asia. China, on the other hand, has been focusing on the Belt and Road Initiative as a way of expanding its economic influence and creating a vast network of trade routes and infrastructure projects across Eurasia. These competing visions for regional cooperation could create friction between Russia and China, as they seek to promote their own interests and maintain their influence in the region. The divergence in their approaches to regional integration may also make it more difficult for them to find common ground and coordinate their efforts in Central Asia and beyond.

Intellectual Property

As Russia and China deepen their technological cooperation, issues related to intellectual property rights protection and technology transfer may emerge as a source of tension. The two countries have different legal systems and approaches to innovation, which could create challenges in terms of safeguarding intellectual property and ensuring fair and equitable technology transfer. China has faced criticism in the past for its handling of intellectual property rights, with some countries and companies accusing it of engaging in forced technology transfers and intellectual property theft. As Russia and China increase their collaboration in high-tech sectors, such as 5G networks, artificial intelligence, and quantum computing, the potential for disputes over intellectual property rights and technology transfer may grow. Ensuring a level playing field and protecting the interests of both countries will be crucial in maintaining a stable and mutually beneficial technological partnership.